CFS: Depth Psych Research (Int’l J Multiple Res Approaches)

NursingWriting

International Journal of Multiple Research Approaches

Depth Psychological Research Methods: Multiple and Engaged Approaches: Deadline for Papers: 15th December 2012

Guest Editors: Jennifer Leigh Selig, PhD, Academic Director of Hybrid Programs, Pacifica Graduate Institute, Santa Barbara CA and New York NY, United States of America, and Suzanne Cremen Davidson MA, LLB, BA, PhD candidate in Depth Psychology (Jungian and Archetypal Studies), Pacifica Graduate Institute, Santa Barbara CA and New York NY, United States of America

Depth psychology is a formal discipline of inquiry that values the autonomous psyche as a source of knowledge. The foundational belief in depth psychology that there is not only a personal unconscious, but a collective unconscious, and that we are in part unconscious beings, radically undermines assumptions in quantitative, positivist, and even post-positivist approaches, challenging the hegemony of rational, mechanical forms of knowing. Depth psychological research is guided by an acknowledgement of the role…

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Free class on mysticism and psychology

A Star-stained Mirror

Just a quick heads up for you, dear reader, to let you know Coursera is planning to run a free online class called

Modern European Mysticism and Psychological Thought

The lecturer is from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, starting date to be confirmed.

I don’t have time to reduce this to a synopsis, so here’s the description on the Coursera website:

In the revival of mysticism today, mysticism has become more psychological while psychology is increasingly interested in mysticism. This course will provide an entry into the complex world of modern mysticism, through studying its psychological thought. We shall begin with exploring the interpretations of mystical experience offered by psychoanalysts in the twentieth century, starting with Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung and ending with contemporary thinkers such as James Hillman. However, we will see that the European mystical traditions, including Kabbalah in the Jewish world and those of the Catholic…

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Ideas on Modernity – Nietzsche, Marcuse and Post-Modernism.

Idle Heresy

This essay encapsulates my understanding of the historical evolution of modernity. As always, my philosophical hero – Nietzsche dominates, but I do find some time for Herbert Marcuse and Post-Modernism.

(at the person who corrected my inexcusable ignorance of Marcuse — gratitude and hi! 🙂  ..  )

Romanticism has lamented the loss of meaning in the modern world and to fill this void they turned to nature, religion and tradition.  But even after accepting the spiritual wasteland in which the modern man walks alone, I maintain that neither proximity to nature nor religion can provide the free man with peace, joy or certainty. The barbarism of all ages possessed more happiness than we do – let us not deceive ourselves on this point! – but our impulse towards knowledge is too widely developed to allow us to value happiness without knowledge, or the happiness of a strong and fixed delusion: it is painful to us even…

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Стартує громадська акція із вшанування пам’яті Голодомору

Стартує громадська акція із вшанування пам’яті Голодомору

 

24 листопада Україна та світ згадають мільйони вбитих геноцидом

Україна готується до 79-х роковин Голодомору. Цьогорічна громадська кампанія має на меті насамперед розповісти про тих, хто в роки геноциду рятував співвітчизників від страшної смерті. Заходи пройдуть у Києві, обласних центрах України та 32 країнах світу.

Продовжено роботу створеного у 2010 році Громадського комітету із вшанування пам’яті жертв Голодомору-геноциду 1932—1933 років в Україні. Знакові постаті в громадському, мистецькому та духовному житті, історики та представники академічних установ зібралися, щоб ініціювати заходи із вшанування пам’яті жертв Голодомору-геноциду.

24 листопада в Києві біля Національного меморіалу пам’яті жертв Голодоморів, в усіх обласних центрах та 32 країнах світу пройдуть пам’ятні заходи. В рамках загальнонаціональної акції «Запали свічку пам’яті» мільйони українців запалять свічки у своїх вікнах.

Цьогорічна громадська кампанія має на меті насамперед розповісти про тих, хто в роки геноциду рятував співвітчизників від страшної смерті. «Коли вбивали голодом, поділитися хлібом — був подвиг. Долі цих людей нагадують нам, що героїзм можливий завжди», — говорить історик, член Громадського комітету Володимир В’ятрович.

Історик, член Громадського комітету Володимир Тиліщак встановлює імена таких рятівників. «Ми недостатньо знаємо про мужні, людяні діяння у ті роки, — розповідає Володимир Тиліщак. — У той жахливий час голодного мору, коли людина ламалася фізично й психічно, доводилася до останньої межі існування та втрачала людську подобу, залишалися ті, що вистояли. Серед хаосу, безконечної черговиці смертей і страху продовжували жити люди, що не злякалися, не втратили благородства і простягнули руку допомоги іншим».

Учасники Громадського комітету підкреслили: без знання таких праведних людей-доброчинців у часи Голодомору національна пам’ять про цей злочин проти українського народу буде неповною.

2012 року за сприяння Громадського комітету опубліковані два нові видання. Перший в Україні підручник з історії геноцидів ХХ століття доцента Львівського національного університету імені І. Франка Андрія Козицького вийшов у вересні (видавництво «Літопис»). За кілька днів побачать світ рукописи Дмитра Гойченка «Червоний апокаліпсис: розкуркулювання та голодомор» (видавництво «А-ба-ба-га-ла-ма-га»).

Незважаючи на цензурування Міністерством освіти підручників історії, відомі українські науковці проведуть серію Уроків пам’яті для школярів і студентів, присвячених подіям 1932—1933 років.

На засіданні 6 листопада у Києво-Могилянській академії громадськість затвердила план всеукраїнських заходів до Дня пам’яті жертв Голодомору-геноциду 1932—1933 років в Україні 24 листопада 2012 року.

Нагадаємо, що громадськість організувалася для ініціювання пам’ятних заходів, бо переконана: остаточне та безповоротне засудження злочинів тоталітарного режиму в Україні і найбільшого з них — геноциду 1932—1933 років — запорука нашого незалежного демократичного майбутнього.

 

До складу комітету увійшли 37 знакових постатей у науковому, мистецькому та громадському житті країни: Ольга Богомолець, В’ячеслав Брюховецький, Володимир В’ятрович, Володимир Василенко, Іван Васюник, Василь Вовкун, Анатолій Гайдамака, Дмитро Гнатюк, Петро Гончар, Іван Дзюба, єпископ Євстратій (Зоря), Андрій Жолдак, Микола Жулинський, Євген Захаров, Олександр Іванків, Геннадій Іванущенко, Сергій Квіт, Андрій Когут, Роман Круцик, Ніла Крюкова, Станіслав Кульчицький, Неля Лавриненко, Олександр Максимчук, Василь Марочко, Ніна Матвієнко, Марія Матіос, Олекса Петрів, Мирослав Попович, Олег Рибачук, Стефан Романів, Євген Сверстюк, Михайло Свистович, Володимир Сергійчук, Євген Станкович, Лесь Танюк, Володимир Тиліщак, Ігор Юхновський.

Додано 07.11.2012

The Ukrainian Holodomor: A Trauma Beyond Trauma (Part IV and Conclusion)

The Stakes of Personal Engagement

My personal engagement with this material betrays a cultural complex which continues to grip not only myself, but Ukrainians dispersed throughout the world.  An extension of Jung’s complex theory, Thomas Singer and Samuel L. Kimbles (2004) explain that

cultural complexes can be thought of arising out of the cultural unconscious as it interacts with both archetypal and personal realms of the psyche and the broader outer worlds of schools, communities, media, and all the other forms of cultural and group life. As such, cultural complexes can be thought of as forming the essential components of an inner sociology. But this inner sociology does not claim to be objective or scientific in its description of different groups and classes of people. Rather, it is a description of groups and classes of people as filtered through the psyches of generations of ancestors (pp. 4-5)

Centuries of imperial Russian subjugation of the Ukrainian people, the suppression of language, culture, religiosity, and political self-determination have given rise to the projection of hate upon the Russian people as well as a paralysis during moments when these oppressive histories come into public awareness. The period of traumatic history covered in this study is only four years in a long history which began under Peter the Great and the enserfdom of peasants by Catherine the Great in 1783, and culminated with the explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in 1986 (Subtelny, 2000).

A thorough and well designed analysis of the cultural complex at work in Ukraine is a task which demands a separate study. However, a parallel can be drawn from Denise G. Ramos’ (2004) study of corruption as a symptom of a cultural complex in Brazil. Her study analyzes corruption within a wider context of collective feelings of inferiority, the continued negative influence of the colonial subjugation of the indigenous people of Brazil, and a pervasive distrust in authority figures and the government. Anecdotal evidence strongly suggests that the same symptoms are present in current day Ukraine. Characterized as a friendly, hospitable, and hard-working society, Ukrainians are so used to corruption and bribes that it is exceedingly difficult to change this mindset. Endless stories are told of paying bribes for children to be admitted to schools, to pass examinations and get diplomas, to get jobs, and to even get medical care and a room in the hospital. A government which is influenced and dominated by oligarchs maintains the mechanisms of bribery and corruption for its own gain. It is not surprising that there exists a general mistrust of authority. This is compounded with very high levels of alcoholism, spousal abuse, and the recent spike in HIV infection and AIDS. In order to fully grasp the precipitants of these symptoms of a Ukrainian cultural complex, a separate research project is warranted. However, one wonders if the symptoms are not the results of generations of serfdom under the Tsar, social degradation by the Soviets, and the repressed and buried memories of collective trauma, such as the Great Famine.

It is only within the last 30 years, that written histories about the famine have begun to circulate beyond the diaspora community, and that serious attempts have been made to recognize it as genocide. The United States is one of a few world countries which have done so. But, what remains exceedingly difficult to accomplish is to bring this matter to the attention of the leadership and the citizens of the Russian Federation.  The recent publications of Naimark’s (2010) book on Stalin as genocidaire, and Snyder’s (2010) book Bloodlands: Europe between Hitler and Stalin will undoubtedly continue to fuel the historical debate on more than just the famine in Ukraine, but on the heroic narrative which the Kremlin wishes to maintain. This will also energize Russia’s own cultural complex.

Conclusion

On November 22, 2008 a Monument and Memorial Complex dedicated to the victims of the Holodomor was dedicated by then President of Ukraine, Viktor Yuschenko.  In his address to the assembled crowds he only acknowledged the millions of victims of the famine, but also stated “with brotherly respect and sympathy we bow our heads before all those who suffered from Stalin’s regime as we did: Russians, Belarusians, Kazakhs, Crimean Tatars, Moldovans, Jews and tens of other nations” (Bandera, 2008).

By framing the national trauma of the famine of his ancestors within the greater context of the crime against humanity orchestrated by Stalin himself, Yuschenko broadened the appeal for other groups to stop denying the traumas which they suffered. Perhaps it is only a matter of time before the frightening popularity of Stalin will give way to the truth and the appropriation of the more accurate title of Torturer.

 

 

 

The Ukrainian Holodomor: Trauma Beyond Trauma (Part III)

Perceived Injuries

The personal narrative of Miron Dolot, Execution by hunger: The hidden Holocaust (1985) was written over the course of many years. Penned under a pseudonym and published during the last years of the failing Soviet empire, Dolot describes what happened in his village from 1929 through 1933. He introduces his narrative by stating that his book is a “reconstruction of what I saw and experienced personally. Although conversations and speeches are not reproduced verbatim, they accurately convey what was said at specific times. I based them on living memories” (p. xv).

Anticipating the disbelief of his readers, as many survivors of trauma know all too well, Dolot explains that his ability to reconstruct the events of the past is not a mystery.

First of all, one does not forget the trauma and tragedy of one’s life, no matter how hard on tries. Secondly, one cannot forget the details of one’s struggle to survive. This was a time when all people, in all of Ukraine, lived from one campaign to another, from one leader’s speech to another, from one Party resolution to another, from one government decree to another, and finally from one village or factory meeting to another. I cannot forget these things. Details and dates of the events described within this book have been verified through Soviet periodicals of that time which can be found in major American libraries. This book gives an accurate portrayal of events in my village during the collectivization (pp. xv-xvi).

Dolot also notes that history has never recorded famine as a crime perpetrated against an entire nation.  In order to back up his claim, Dolot researched famines in order to identify similar occurrences.   The Irish potato famine of the mid-19th century and the periodic famines in India and China had natural causes. They were the results of drought, insects or vermin. As an eyewitness to the Holodomor, Dolot confirms that the overall injury to the Ukrainian people was the political intent of Moscow to eradicate all expressions of political, religious, and cultural identity. The arrests, executions, or banishment to concentration camps of religious leaders, writers, actors, poets, politicians, and academics, which began in 1929, continued with the implementation of a seemlingly innocuous plan to collectivize farming for the purposes of agrarian efficiency which resulted in the denial of food and the starvation of the backbone of a country which was known as the “breadbasket of Europe.”

Miron Dolot’s (1985) narrative begins with a descripton of the village of his childhood with its eight hundred households.  He mentions that in typical European fashion the houses of the village were grouped together, that they were of a simple construction, the roofs usually thatched with straw, and the floors made of clay. Most homes had only one room, which was used for mutiple purposes, including cooking, eating, and sleeping. Each home had a simple plot for farming, a few fruit trees, and a barn for a cow, horse, and pigs. Poultry was truly free range, since the chickens, geese, and ducks were kept in the backyard. Most people were poor but content, and enjoyed a variety of entertainment such a plays, music, singing, and dancing.  A church stood at the center of the village.

Life in this village began to change in December of 1929 with the appearance of “strangers.” The villagers quickly learned that these individuals were official representatives of the Communist party and the Soviet government.  It was there job to organize a collective farm, and do to so as rapidly as possible. Dolot (1985) makes reference to the fact that although these officials “exhibited curiosity and enthusiasm about their new environment, they could not hide their ignorance of country ways” (p. 5). Their speeches were trite and full of party slogans, they rarely greeted a villager and when they did it was disrespectful. All of these officials carried weapons, but at first, this was done discretely.

The first incident which can be identified as a traumatic injury was the arrest of the village leadership on a very cold morning in January of 1930. Fifteen of the most prominent members of the village were rounded up before dawn, hauled into a van, and disappeared before the village awoke. Among them were a school teacher, the village clerk, a store owner, and a very popular and charismatic figure considered to be good at giving legal advice. No one was given a reason for their arrest, there was no recourse for legal counsel, and no one was told where they were being taken.  Upon awakening, the populace was informed that those arrested were “enemies of the people,” and that their property was confiscated (Dolot, 1985).

Through arrests, intimidations, the confiscation of property, the encouragement of children to spy on their parents and report to party members, the machine of collectivization was set into motion.  The next traumatic incidence took place when army soldiers appeared one day with posters and banners praising collective farms and denouncing the church. The parish priest was nowhere to be found. The soldiers stampeded toward the church throwing “stones, bottles, and sticks, smashing windows and doors…long ladders appeared at the church wall…ropes were tied around the crosses…the crosses fell…the bells taken down…the cupolas destroyed” (Dolot, 1985, pp. 29-29). The villagers stood by silently, with lowered heads and prayed. What was left of the structure was turned into a theater.

Dolot’s (1986) father died in 1919 when he was three years of age. Fortunately, his three uncles lived in this village and were a great source of support for their deceased brother’s wife and children. They too were arrested, their property confiscated, and taken to the train station where they were herded into box cars that took them to an unknown destination. Dolot’s own brother was arrested after a skirmish in their house when a drunken member of the Communist Party came to search the house and found his mother’s Bible. This drunken comrade began making sexual advances towards Miron’s mother. She tried to fight him off, and her eldest son, Serge, managed to push him away. The next day Serge was arrested, tried for assaulting a member of the Communist Party, and then banished from the village. His family never saw him again, but received an anonymous letter two years later that he had died from torture and exhaustion while digging a canal connecting the Baltic Sea to the White Sea (Dolot, 1985).

This is a brief overview of the injuries incurred by the people of a small village in central Ukraine prior to the Great Famine of 1932-33. Dolot’s (1986) book presents a narrative perspective essential in comprehending the multiple incidents of harm prior to the famine itself.  It was politically expedient to break the back of the farming community of Ukraine, and demonize them as rampant capitalists. The systemic destruction of the leadership of the community, the arrests of clergy, and the deportation of anyone suspected of being a potential threat provides us with an initial understanding of how the villagers were traumatized.

Those who remained in the village were forced into collectivization in order to survive. Anyone who still had livestock needed to surrender it. Cows and horses were herded together and became disease ridden due to neglect and unsanitary conditions. The Communist Party insisted that all farm work was to be done collectively, and no individual family plots were permitted. All emphasis was placed on the production of grain, and harvest quotas were exceedingly high. The most horrifying aspect of the enslavement of the farming collective was that during the harvests of 1932-33, the farmers were not given grain in return for their work. Describing the harvest of 1932, Dolot (1985) writes:

From the very start of the harvest to the end, not a single pound of wheat had been distributed to the village inhabitants. We were told that all grain had to be transported to the railroad stations. We also learned that there it had been dumped on the ground, covered with tarpaulins, and left to rot.

As a result of these harsh conditions, some of the villagers attempted to run away, while others tried to sell as many personal items as they could in order to buy food.  People began eating cats and dogs, and then each other.

Brief acknowledgment should be made of another personal narrative. This is the narrative of Viktor Kravchenko (1946) who was one of the Communist Party members involved in implementing collectivization. In a chapter in his memoirs titled “Harvest in Hell,” he describes the most horrifying aspect of the starvation of farmers.

The most horrifying sights were the little children with skeleton limbs dangling from balloon-like abdomens. Starvation had wiped every trace of youth from their faces, turning them into tortured gargoyles; only in their eyes still lingered the reminder of childhood. Everywhere we found men and women lying prone, their faces and bellies bloated, their eyes utterly expressionless (p. 118).

Having witnessed these images, and with full knowledge that his comrades in the Communist Party had plenty of food to eat, Kravchenko did everything he could to feed the starving farmers. His disgust for the Soviet regime began to grow, and as a result of a turn of events in his life he requested asylum in the United States at the end of World War II.  In 1966, he was found dead with a bullet wound to his head in New York. The death was deemed a suicide, but some suspect that it was the work of a KGB assassin.

Any suggestion that the multiple harms which have been reviewed are “perceived” traumatic injuries would be disingenuous. The overwhelming evidence from these two personal narratives indicates that the very framework of trauma must accommodate a range of incidents from simple humiliation, discrimination, mistreatment, to persecution, arrests, executions, lack of due process and legal recourse, and ultimately the inhuman refusal to feed one’s workers. The lack of case studies of survivors bars a depth psychologist’s ability to access these traumas at a clinical level, and as a result prevents interpreting them in terms of archetypal defense mechanisms. The collective trauma of Ukrainian famers, however, does suggest that the suffering was of such a proportion that any meaning which can be culled from it can be referenced by a depth psychological interpretation of the story of Job.

The militant destruction of religion by the Soviets unleashed archeytpal energies from the collective unconscious. The Soviet political system which destroyed God, created a psychic vacuum which unconsciously assumed the role and power of God.  Donald Kalsched (1996) explains that according to Jung, the primal Self which contained polar energies of love and hate, creation and destruction, found symbolic expression in the Hebrew God Yahweh. Job’s encounter with Yahweh is best understood as an encounter with an undifferentiated force incapable of being conscious of its own destructiveness. By confronting God and not cowering in defeat and humiliation, Job reflects back to Yahweh his destructiveness. This may well present a paradigm for reflecting the utter destructiveness of Stalin’s era to those who hold on to his heroic narrative and vigilantly resist investigations into his crimes against humanity.